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Survey Findings

What People Want from the Saturday Market — A Community Survey

📂 Community Life And Shared Spaces 🎭 Asking People What They Think And Reporting It Carefully ⏱ 20–55 min
About this text
🎯 Learning objectives
  • Students can read and understand a structured survey-findings report.
  • Students can use reported speech and proportion language ('most people said', 'about half', 'a small number').
  • Students can identify the structure of a survey report (purpose, method, findings, conclusion).
  • Students can write a short report based on simple information they have collected.
  • Students can discuss the role of markets and other shared shopping places in different cultures.
  • Students can recognise that what people say in a survey is not always the same as what they mean.
  • Students can reflect on whose voices are included in surveys, and whose are missed.
💡 Ideas for using this in a lesson
  • Students read the report in pairs and identify the key findings: what most people want, what fewer people want, what was unexpected.
  • Students conduct a mini-survey in the classroom: each student asks three classmates one simple question, then reports the findings to the group.
  • Cultural sharing: 'Is there a regular market in your town or village? What is sold there? Who shops there?' Students share in small groups.
  • Vocabulary work: students collect every proportion phrase ('most', 'a majority', 'about half', 'a small number') and use them in new sentences.
  • Sequencing/structure activity: students identify the sections of the report (purpose, method, findings, recommendations, conclusion). Why are reports structured this way?
  • Writing task: students design a short survey on a topic of their choice (their school canteen, the weekend, what classmates read). They write five questions.
  • Discussion (B1+): 'When you do a survey, whose answers do you usually NOT get? Why?' A useful question about what surveys can and cannot show.
  • Pair role-play: one student is a market shopper; the other is a volunteer asking three short survey questions. Practise the questions and answers.
  • Reflective task (B2+): students write about a time they took part in a survey (or could have, but didn't). What did they say? What didn't they say?
  • Real-world application: students design and (if possible) carry out a small classroom or school survey, then write a short findings report.
🏷️ Context
Low ResourcePairworkGroupworkDiscussionStructured WritingReported SpeechSpeaking PracticeCultural SharingCivic LiteracyWorks Anywhere
📦 Materials needed
Paper And Pen
⚠️ This text is gentle and concrete, but the topic — community markets, who uses them, who feels welcome — touches on questions that may be more or less familiar in different contexts. In some places, regular markets are the centre of daily life; in others, they have been replaced by supermarkets; in others, they exist alongside religious or cultural gatherings; in others, they are mainly for tourists. The text describes one kind of mixed neighbourhood market without claiming it is the right or normal kind. At higher levels, the text reflects on how markets change — sometimes in ways that suit some users and not others — using plain observable language rather than academic terminology. Students may have strong views about markets in their own context, particularly if their local market has changed or disappeared in their lifetime. Allow these views without correction. Nothing in the text is distressing; the warmth is in the careful attention to a small piece of community life.
⏱ Duration by level
A1
20 min
A2
25 min
B1
35 min
B2
45 min
C1
50 min
C2
55 min
🎚️ Differentiation tip
For A1 and A2, focus on simple proportion language ('most', 'some', 'a few') and reported speech ('people said'). The basic finding-style is genuinely useful and translates to many real-world situations. For B1, work on the structure of a survey report — purpose, method, findings, conclusion. For B2, the focus shifts to what surveys can and cannot show — the limits of the method, who answered and who didn't. For C1 and C2, the report becomes a careful piece of writing about community consultation, attentive to whose voices are included and whose are missed, and to the difference between what people say in a survey and what they actually want. The lesson can also become a real-world activity — students can design and carry out a small classroom or school survey, then write a short report on their findings, applying what they have learned.
🌍 Cultural note
Markets and shared shopping spaces exist in nearly every culture, but they take very different forms. In many parts of Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America, regular street or town markets remain a central part of weekly life — places where most fresh food is bought, where social life happens, and where information moves through a community. In much of Europe and North America, traditional markets have declined in some areas as supermarkets have grown, but have also seen revival in others, sometimes as 'farmers' markets' that target wealthier shoppers. In some cities, markets are organised by the local council; in others, by a market association; in others, informally by the vendors themselves. None of these forms is more or less authentic than another. When teaching this text, invite students to describe what 'a market' means in their context — who sells, who buys, when it is held, and what it sells. Some students will come from places where markets are central; others from places where they barely exist. Both contexts are useful for the lesson. The text describes one specific kind of market without claiming it is the right or normal kind.
Beginner
Intermediate
Advanced
Duration: 20 min 🎯 Focus: Simple present tense; proportion language ('most', 'some', 'a few'); reported speech with 'said'; numbers; basic survey vocabulary
Before You Read / Listen
  • Q1Is there a market near where you live?
  • Q2Do you go to the market or to a shop?
  • Q3What do you buy at the market?
  • Q4Do you talk to the people who sell things?
  • Q5What do you like to buy?
The Text
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ABOUT THE SURVEY
Five people from our neighbourhood asked questions to people at the Saturday market.
We asked 50 people. We asked them about the market.
WHAT PEOPLE SAID
Most people (40 out of 50) said they like the market.
Many people said they buy fruit and vegetables.
Some people said they buy bread and cheese.
A few people said they buy flowers.
WHEN PEOPLE COME
Most people come in the morning.
Some people come at lunch time.
WHAT PEOPLE WANT
Many people said they want more vegetables.
Some people said they want more places to sit.
A few people said they want music in the market.
CONCLUSION
The market is popular. People want some small changes.
Key Vocabulary
survey noun
a set of questions that you ask many people, to learn what they think
"About the survey."
market noun
a place where people sell food and other things, often outside
"The Saturday market."
to ask verb
to put a question to someone
"We asked 50 people."
most determiner
the biggest part of a group
"Most people said they like the market."
some determiner
a small part, but not very small
"Some people said they buy bread."
a few phrase
only a small number
"A few people said they want music."
popular adjective
liked by many people
"The market is popular."
change noun
something different from before
"Some small changes."
Questions
Comprehension
  • How many people did the survey?
    Answer
    Five people.
  • How many people did they ask?
    Answer
    50 people.
  • How many people said they like the market?
    Answer
    40 out of 50 — most people.
  • What do most people buy?
    Answer
    Fruit and vegetables.
  • When do most people come to the market?
    Answer
    In the morning.
  • What do many people want more of?
    Answer
    Vegetables.
  • What do a few people want?
    Answer
    Music in the market.
Vocabulary
  • What does 'a survey' mean?
    Answer
    A set of questions that you ask many people, to learn what they think.
  • What does 'popular' mean?
    Answer
    Liked by many people.
Discussion
  • Is there a market in your town? What is sold there?
    Discussion prompts
    Common answers vary widely. Some students will have lively daily or weekly markets; others will have small markets or none at all. Common answers: 'Yes, fish and vegetables', 'Yes, every Sunday', 'No, only supermarkets', 'In my village we have a small market'. A great cultural-share.
Personal
  • What do you like to buy at a market or shop?
    Teacher guidance
    Students' own answer. Common answers: 'Fruit', 'Bread', 'Flowers', 'I don't go to markets'. All answers are good. Help with 'I like to buy ___'.
  • Would you tell people what you think in a survey?
    Teacher guidance
    Students' own views. Common answers: 'Yes, I have time', 'No, I don't like to stop in the street', 'Yes, if it is short'. All answers are good.
Writing Task
Prompt
Write 5 short sentences about a place near your home (a shop, a market, a café). Use these starts: 'I go to ___. Most people buy ___. Some people buy ___. A few people buy ___. People want ___.'
Model Answer

I go to the small shop near my house. Most people buy bread and milk. Some people buy fruit. A few people buy newspapers. People want the shop to be open later.

Activities
  • Read the report in pairs. Find the section headings (About the survey, What people said, When, What people want, Conclusion). Why does the report have sections?
  • Proportion practice: the teacher reads sentences ('Most students like ___', 'Some students like ___', 'A few students like ___'). Students raise a hand if it is true for them. Count the answers.
  • Mini-survey: each student asks three classmates one question (favourite food, favourite day, favourite weather). They count the answers and say 'Most people said ___'.
  • Yes/no game: 'Did 50 people answer the survey?' (Yes.) 'Do most people come in the evening?' (No, the morning.) Practise yes/no answers about the report.
  • Class share: each student says one thing about a market or shop in their country. 'In my country, people buy ___ at the market.'
  • Drawing: students draw the market with the things people buy (fruit, vegetables, bread, cheese, flowers).
Duration: 25 min 🎯 Focus: Simple present tense; proportion language ('most', 'a majority', 'about half', 'a small number'); reported speech ('people said that…'); section structure; comparative ('more', 'fewer')
Before You Read / Listen
  • Q1Have you ever answered questions for a survey?
  • Q2Why do people do surveys — what is the purpose?
  • Q3Who do you think gives the most honest answers in a survey: friends, strangers, or family?
  • Q4What questions would you ask people about your favourite shop or market?
  • Q5Are markets in your country the same as in other countries you have visited?
  • Q6Do older or younger people use the market more in your area?
The Text
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ABOUT THIS SURVEY
This is a short report on a survey of the Saturday market. The survey was done by five volunteers from the neighbourhood association. We asked 60 people who were at the market. We asked them four questions: what they buy, when they come, what they like, and what they would change.
The aim was to give the council and the market organisers a better idea of what people in our neighbourhood actually want.
WHAT PEOPLE BUY
Almost everyone (about 90%) said they come to the market to buy food. Most often, this means fruit and vegetables. About half also said they buy bread, cheese, or eggs. A smaller number (around 20%) said they also buy household things — soap, candles, plants, or small kitchen items.
WHEN PEOPLE COME
About 70% of the people we asked come in the morning, between 9 and 11 a.m. Older people in particular come early, often before 9 a.m. Families with children tend to come later, around 11 a.m. or after lunch. A smaller group come at the end of the day, when some sellers reduce their prices.
WHAT PEOPLE LIKE ABOUT THE MARKET
When we asked what they liked, the most common answer was the food. Many people said the food at the market was fresher than at the supermarket. Some people said they liked the social side — they meet neighbours and friends, and they talk to the sellers, who they often know by name.
Older people in particular said the market was important for them because it was a chance to be around other people during the week.
WHAT PEOPLE WOULD CHANGE
When we asked what they would change, three answers came up most often.
First, many people said they wanted more places to sit. There are not enough benches near the market.
Second, some people said the market should also sell prepared food (small lunches), so people can eat there.
Third, a smaller number said they wanted later opening hours, particularly in summer.
CONCLUSION
The Saturday market is popular and important to people in our neighbourhood. Most people use it for food shopping, but it is also a social place. The most common request is more places to sit — a small change that would make a big difference.
Key Vocabulary
volunteer noun
a person who helps for free, without being paid
"Five volunteers from the neighbourhood association."
neighbourhood association phrase
(phrase) a group of people in an area who work together on local matters
"The neighbourhood association."
the aim noun
the purpose; what you want to do
"The aim was to give the council a better idea."
household things phrase
(phrase) things people use in their homes
"Soap, candles, plants, or small kitchen items."
to reduce (prices) verb
to make smaller; to lower
"Some sellers reduce their prices."
the social side phrase
(phrase) the part of an activity that is about meeting and talking to people
"They liked the social side."
around (someone) phrase
(phrase) near other people; in their company
"A chance to be around other people."
prepared food phrase
(phrase) food that is already cooked and ready to eat
"Sell prepared food."
opening hours phrase
(phrase) the times when something is open
"Later opening hours."
Questions
Comprehension
  • Who did the survey, and how many people did they ask?
    Answer
    Five volunteers from the neighbourhood association. They asked 60 people who were at the market.
  • What four questions did the volunteers ask?
    Answer
    What people buy, when they come, what they like, and what they would change.
  • What was the aim of the survey?
    Answer
    To give the council and the market organisers a better idea of what people in the neighbourhood actually want.
  • What do almost all the people come to the market to buy?
    Answer
    Food — about 90% said this. Most commonly fruit and vegetables.
  • What proportion of people also buy bread, cheese, or eggs?
    Answer
    About half (around 50%).
  • When do older people typically come to the market?
    Answer
    Early — often before 9 a.m.
  • What two things do many people like about the market?
    Answer
    (1) The food, which they say is fresher than at the supermarket. (2) The social side — meeting neighbours and friends, talking to sellers they know by name.
  • What did older people in particular say about the market?
    Answer
    That it was important for them because it was a chance to be around other people during the week.
  • What three changes did people most often suggest?
    Answer
    (1) More places to sit. (2) Selling prepared food (small lunches). (3) Later opening hours, particularly in summer.
Vocabulary
  • What is a 'volunteer'?
    Answer
    A person who helps for free, without being paid.
  • What does 'the social side' mean?
    Answer
    The part of an activity that is about meeting and talking to people, not just doing the activity itself. The market has a social side because people meet, talk, and feel less alone there.
Inference
  • Why does the report say 'older people in particular come early'?
    Suggested interpretation
    Because the report is showing that different groups of people use the market in different ways. Older people often have more time in the morning, prefer quieter shopping, and may want to be home by the middle of the day. The detail tells us that the market means different things to different people.
  • Why does the report mention that older people 'said the market was important for them because it was a chance to be around other people'?
    Suggested interpretation
    Because the report is honest about what the market really gives people. The market is not only a food-shopping place — it is also, for some people, one of the few places they regularly meet and talk to others. This is more than just shopping. The report is making this visible.
Discussion
  • Why is it useful for a council to know what people actually want, rather than guessing?
    Discussion prompts
    Common answers: the council can spend money on the right things; people feel listened to; small changes (like adding benches) can make a big difference; without asking, the council might do something that nobody wanted. A useful civic question.
  • What is the difference between a market and a supermarket? Which is better, and why?
    Discussion prompts
    Two views. MARKET: fresher food, more direct connection to sellers, social side, often cheaper, supports local people. SUPERMARKET: convenient, all in one place, open longer hours, has more variety, sometimes cleaner. PROBABLY: both have their place. CULTURAL VARIATION: in some places markets are central; in others almost everyone uses supermarkets. Encourage students to share what is normal in their context.
  • Are markets in your country mainly for older or younger people? Or for everyone?
    Discussion prompts
    Common answers vary widely. Some students will say markets are mainly for older people; others will say they are for everyone; others will say young people prefer supermarkets. A useful cultural-share.
Personal
  • Have you ever answered a survey? What was it about?
    Teacher guidance
    Students' own experience. Common answers: 'Yes, at school'; 'Yes, on the phone'; 'Yes, on the internet'; 'Never, no-one has asked me'. Be warm. The point is recognition that surveys are a normal part of modern life, even if students haven't always noticed.
Writing Task
Prompt
Imagine you have asked 20 people in your school or neighbourhood about a place they all use (a café, a park, a shop, a school canteen). Write a short report (about 8–10 sentences) about what they said. Use proportion language ('most people said', 'about half said', 'a small number said'). Include at least one suggestion for a change.
Model Answer

We asked 20 students about the school canteen. Most people (15 out of 20) said the food was good. About half said they would like more vegetables. A small number said the queue was too long. When we asked what they would change, the most common answer was 'lower prices'. Some people said they would like a wider choice for breakfast. A few people said the canteen should be open longer in the afternoon. Overall, students like the canteen, but they would welcome small improvements — particularly more vegetables and shorter queues.

Activities
  • Read the report in pairs. Then together, list the four sections (purpose, what people buy, when they come, what they like, what they would change). What does each section do?
  • Proportion language: students underline every proportion phrase ('most', 'about half', 'around 20%', 'a smaller number'). Practise using each in a new sentence.
  • Mini-survey: in groups of four, students agree on one survey question. Each student asks five classmates outside the group. They report the findings using proportion language.
  • Sentence frames: 'Most people said ___. About half said ___. A small number said ___.' Each student writes three findings on a topic of their choice.
  • Cultural sharing: in small groups, each student describes a market in their country. Where is it? What is sold? Who shops there?
  • Vocabulary game: the teacher gives a percentage (90%, 50%, 20%, 5%). Students give the right phrase ('almost everyone', 'about half', 'around 20%', 'a small number').
  • Pair role-play: one student is a survey volunteer; the other is a shopper. Practise asking and answering survey questions politely.
  • Compare with A1: students compare the A1 and A2 versions and find three places where the A2 version adds detail or proportion language.
Duration: 35 min 🎯 Focus: Structured survey reporting; reported speech; proportion and frequency language; introducing limitations gently; describing the method of a small survey
Before You Read / Listen
  • Q1Why do small community groups sometimes do their own surveys, instead of waiting for the council to do them?
  • Q2What kinds of questions are easy to answer in a survey, and which are harder?
  • Q3Have you ever stopped to talk to someone doing a survey in the street? Why or why not?
  • Q4Whose opinion would you most want to hear about your local market or shop?
  • Q5What is the difference between asking 'what do you want' and asking 'what do you actually need'?
  • Q6Why might the answers to a survey be different on different days of the week?
The Text
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INTRODUCTION
This report describes a small survey of the Saturday market in our neighbourhood. The survey was carried out by five volunteers from the local neighbourhood association, over four Saturdays in spring. The aim was to understand what people who use the market think about it, and to share these findings with the market organisers and the local council.
HOW WE DID THE SURVEY
We asked 60 people who were at the market on a Saturday morning. We chose people of different ages and tried to ask both regular shoppers and visitors. We had a short list of questions, and the conversations took between two and five minutes each.
We asked five questions:
1. How often do you come to the market?
2. What do you usually buy?
3. What do you like about the market?
4. What do you not like about the market?
5. What would you change?
WHO WE TALKED TO
Of the 60 people we spoke to, about half were over 60 years old. About a third were adults aged 30 to 60, often with children. A smaller group (around 15 people) were younger adults. We did not, on the whole, manage to speak to many teenagers, who tend not to come to the market on Saturday mornings.
FINDINGS
How often people come. About 70% of the people we asked come every Saturday. Around 20% come less regularly — once or twice a month. The rest were occasional visitors.
What people buy. The most common answers were fruit and vegetables, followed by bread and cheese. Many people said they buy 'whatever looks good' rather than coming with a fixed list. About a third of the people we asked also buy household items at the market.
What people like. Two answers came up much more often than others. The first was the quality of the food — 'fresher than at the supermarket' was repeated many times. The second was the social side — meeting neighbours and talking to the sellers. For older people in particular, this social side was as important as the food itself.
What people don't like. Several issues came up. Many people mentioned that the market is crowded between 10 and 11 a.m. and difficult to move around. Some people said the prices for some items have gone up. A smaller number said they did not feel welcome — most often because they felt the market was 'for regulars' and they were new to the area.
What people would change. The three most common answers were: more places to sit and rest (especially for older shoppers); a small area selling prepared food and drinks; and a clearer system for showing prices, so shoppers can compare without asking.
WHAT THIS SURVEY DOES NOT SHOW
It is important to be honest about what this survey cannot tell us. We only asked people who were at the market — not people who used to come and have stopped, and not people who never come at all. These are exactly the people whose answers might be most useful in understanding the market's future. A future survey could try to reach them.
CONCLUSION
The Saturday market is popular and important to most of the people who use it. People come for the food, but they stay for the conversation and the connections. The most common requests are small and practical — places to sit, a quieter system, more clarity on prices. None of these requires major changes; together, they could make the market more welcoming for the wider neighbourhood.
We hope this report is useful to the market organisers and the council. We are happy to share more details on request.
Key Vocabulary
to carry out (a survey) phrase verb
(phrase verb) to do a piece of research or work
"The survey was carried out by five volunteers."
findings noun (plural)
(plural noun) what a piece of research or survey discovers
"Share these findings."
regular shoppers phrase
(phrase) people who come often
"Both regular shoppers and visitors."
occasional visitors phrase
(phrase) people who come sometimes, but not often
"Occasional visitors."
fixed list phrase
(phrase) a list that does not change
"Rather than coming with a fixed list."
to come up (in answers) phrase verb
(phrase verb) to be mentioned often
"Two answers came up much more often."
to feel welcome phrase
(phrase) to feel comfortable and accepted in a place
"They did not feel welcome."
regulars noun
(noun, plural) people who come to a place often
"The market was 'for regulars'."
to be honest about phrase
(phrase) to tell the truth about something, even if it is not flattering
"It is important to be honest about what this survey cannot tell us."
on request phrase
(phrase) when someone asks
"We are happy to share more details on request."
Questions
Comprehension
  • Who carried out the survey, and over what period?
    Answer
    Five volunteers from the local neighbourhood association, over four Saturdays in spring.
  • How many people did the volunteers speak to, and what kind of people?
    Answer
    60 people. Of different ages, both regular shoppers and visitors.
  • What five questions did they ask?
    Answer
    (1) How often do you come to the market? (2) What do you usually buy? (3) What do you like about the market? (4) What do you not like? (5) What would you change?
  • Who did the volunteers NOT manage to speak to?
    Answer
    Many teenagers — who tend not to come to the market on Saturday mornings.
  • How often do most people come to the market?
    Answer
    About 70% come every Saturday. Around 20% come once or twice a month. The rest are occasional visitors.
  • What two answers about 'what people like' came up much more often than others?
    Answer
    (1) The quality of the food — 'fresher than at the supermarket'. (2) The social side — meeting neighbours and talking to sellers.
  • What did some new people say about the market?
    Answer
    They didn't feel welcome — most often because they felt the market was 'for regulars' and they were new to the area.
  • What three changes did people suggest most often?
    Answer
    (1) More places to sit and rest, especially for older shoppers. (2) A small area selling prepared food and drinks. (3) A clearer system for showing prices, so shoppers can compare without asking.
  • What does the report say the survey CANNOT tell us?
    Answer
    It only asked people who were at the market. It did not reach 'people who used to come and have stopped, and not people who never come at all'. These might be 'exactly the people whose answers might be most useful in understanding the market's future'.
Vocabulary
  • What does 'findings' mean in a report?
    Answer
    What a piece of research or survey has discovered. The 'findings' section reports what was learned from the questions, not what the writers think themselves.
  • What does 'to feel welcome' mean?
    Answer
    To feel comfortable and accepted in a place. The opposite is to feel that you don't belong, even if no-one has told you so.
Inference
  • Why does the report include a section called 'Who we talked to'?
    Suggested interpretation
    Because a fair report tells the reader who has been heard. If you only ask older people, your survey will reflect older people's views; if you only ask shoppers from one part of the neighbourhood, the survey will reflect their views. By saying who they talked to, the volunteers help the reader understand what the findings show — and what they don't.
  • Why is it important that the report admits 'this survey does not show' certain things?
    Suggested interpretation
    Because a survey can only tell you about the people you asked. By admitting this honestly, the writers make the report more reliable, not less. A reader trusts a survey more when the writers acknowledge its limits than when they pretend it shows everything. This is good practice in any kind of research or reporting.
  • Why does the report say that the people who 'used to come and have stopped' might be the most useful to talk to?
    Suggested interpretation
    Because they can tell you what is going wrong. A survey of current users will mostly tell you what is going right (or they wouldn't still be coming). To understand why a place is losing people, you have to talk to the people who have left. This is a sophisticated point about how to learn from a community.
Discussion
  • Why might some new people not feel welcome at a market that is 'for regulars'? What could be done about this?
    Discussion prompts
    Common answers: regulars know each other and the sellers, which makes new people feel like outsiders; the market may have unspoken rules; sellers may give better prices to people they know. Solutions: signs explaining how the market works; sellers actively welcoming new customers; placing the market more openly in community life. A useful question for thinking about community spaces.
  • Is asking people 'what would you change?' a good question? Or do people often ask for things they don't really need?
    Discussion prompts
    Two views. GOOD QUESTION: people know their lives best; ignoring what they say is arrogant. PROBLEMATIC: people often ask for what they think will help, not what would actually help; specific changes can have unexpected effects. PROBABLY: a useful question, but the answers should be one input among several. A useful question about how surveys work.
  • Has a market or shop in your neighbourhood changed in recent years? What changed, and who was happy or sad about it?
    Discussion prompts
    Common answers: 'Yes, prices went up'; 'A new market opened, the old one is now smaller'; 'A supermarket replaced our local shop'; 'My grandmother's market is still the same'. A useful real-world question. Many students will have an example.
Personal
  • If five volunteers came to your favourite market or shop and asked you the same questions, what would you say?
    Teacher guidance
    Students' own experience. Common answers: 'I would say I like the prices but not the queues'; 'I would say I want more variety'; 'I would say nothing, I'm shy'. A useful question. Encourage students to imagine the conversation.
  • Have you ever wanted to give your opinion about a place but didn't know how?
    Teacher guidance
    Students' own experience. Common answers: 'Yes, I wanted to write to the council'; 'Yes, but no-one was asking'; 'My grandmother always says she would change ___ but no-one listens to her'. A reflective question.
Writing Task
Prompt
Imagine that you and three friends have surveyed 30 people at a place you know (a café, a school canteen, a library, a park, a shop). Write a short structured report (200–250 words) of your findings. Use sections (introduction, how you did the survey, who you talked to, findings, what the survey doesn't show, conclusion). Use proportion language ('most', 'about half', 'a small number'). Be honest about the limits of your survey.
Model Answer

INTRODUCTION. This is a short report on a small survey of our school library. Four students did the survey over two weeks. We wanted to find out what students think of the library and what might be improved.

HOW WE DID THE SURVEY. We asked 30 students three questions: how often they use the library, what they use it for, and what they would change. We asked students from different year groups in the school yard at lunchtime.

WHO WE TALKED TO. Most of the students we asked were aged 13 to 16. We did not manage to speak to many of the older students, who were often busy with exam preparation.

FINDINGS. About half of the students said they use the library every week, mostly to do homework. About a third use it to read books for pleasure. The most common change suggested was more comfortable seats. Some students wanted a quieter section for studying. A smaller number wanted longer opening hours after school.

WHAT THIS SURVEY DOES NOT SHOW. We only asked students who came to the library or were near it. We did not speak to students who never use the library. They might have had different reasons for not coming.

CONCLUSION. The library is well used, but small changes — more comfortable seats and a quieter section — could make it better for many students. We would like to share these findings with the librarian and the school council.

Activities
  • Section structure: in pairs, students identify each section of the report (introduction, method, who, findings, limits, conclusion). Why does each section appear in this order?
  • Reported speech: students collect every example of reported speech in the report ('people said', 'many people mentioned'). Why does a survey report use so much reported speech?
  • The honest limits: in groups, students discuss the section 'What this survey does not show'. Why is this section important? Would the report be stronger or weaker without it?
  • Mini-survey: in groups of four, students design a simple survey of three questions on a topic of their choice. They ask 10 students each, then write a short findings report.
  • Comparison: students compare the A2 report and the B1 report. What does the B1 add — particularly in the 'who we talked to' and 'what this survey doesn't show' sections?
  • Cultural sharing: in small groups, each student describes a market or regular shopping place in their country. What would they ask in a survey there?
  • Reaching missing voices: in pairs, students discuss how the volunteers might reach the people they didn't talk to (people who used to come and have stopped; people who never come). Suggest three practical ideas.
  • Sentence frames: 'About 70% said ___. Around half said ___. A smaller number said ___.' Each student writes three findings on a real or imagined survey topic.
Duration: 45 min 🎯 Focus: Structured survey reporting; careful evaluation of method and findings; reported speech with attribution; the limits of small-scale surveys; proportion language at varied levels of precision; the difference between what people say and what is going on
Before You Read / Listen
  • Q1Why are small surveys done by community volunteers sometimes more useful than big professional surveys?
  • Q2What kinds of question give the most useful answers, and what kinds give the least?
  • Q3Have you ever answered a survey but said something that was not exactly what you meant? Why?
  • Q4Whose voices are usually loudest in surveys, and whose are usually quiet — and why?
  • Q5Is it possible to know what people 'really want' from their answers to a few questions?
  • Q6What is the difference between a survey that asks 'what do you want?' and one that asks 'how do you actually use this place?'
  • Q7Have markets or shops in your area changed in ways some people welcomed and others didn't?
The Text
Listen to the text Download
INTRODUCTION
This report describes a small survey of the Saturday market in our neighbourhood, carried out over four Saturdays in spring by five volunteers from the local neighbourhood association. The aim was to gather information about what people who use the market think of it — what they value, what they find difficult, and what they would like to see change. The report is intended for the market organisers and the local council, but is also being shared with anyone in the neighbourhood who is interested.
It is worth saying at the start that small community surveys of this kind have real strengths and real limits. They reach fewer people than professional surveys do. But they reach people in person, in the place itself, and they often capture small specific opinions that a more formal questionnaire would miss. The report tries to make use of both — the strengths and the limits.
HOW THE SURVEY WAS CARRIED OUT
Five volunteers spent four Saturday mornings at the market, between 9 a.m. and 12 noon. We approached people who were not in a hurry — often those leaving the market or sitting nearby with shopping. We told them we were doing a short survey for the neighbourhood association, asked permission, and explained that it would take about three to five minutes.
We had a list of five main questions, but the conversations were flexible. People often said more interesting things in response to follow-up questions than to the prepared ones, so we kept our notes open and recorded comments people made in their own words.
WHO WE SPOKE TO, AND WHO WE DID NOT
We spoke to 60 people. About half were over 60 years old; about a third were adults aged 30 to 60, often with children; the rest were younger adults under 30. About 60% of those we spoke to were women — although the market is used by both men and women, women on the whole stopped to talk more readily.
It is important to be clear about who we did not reach. We did not speak to many teenagers, who do not tend to use the market on Saturday mornings. We did not reach many recent arrivals to the neighbourhood — partly because new residents may shop at the supermarket, partly because the survey was conducted only in English. We did not reach people who used to use the market and have stopped — possibly the most informative group to speak to, but the hardest to find. These gaps shape what the report can and cannot say, and we will return to them in the conclusion.
FINDINGS USE AND VALUE
Most of the people we spoke to (about 70%) come to the market every Saturday. Around 20% come less regularly, once or twice a month. The remainder are occasional visitors, including a small number who came for the first time on the day we spoke to them.
When we asked what people buy, the answers were varied but had a clear shape. Almost everyone (around 90%) said they come for fresh food — fruit, vegetables, bread, cheese, eggs, and fish or meat from the small number of stalls that sell it. About a third also buy household items — soap, candles, plants, secondhand kitchen tools, small flowers — though several people said they thought there used to be more variety in this category than there is now.
When we asked what people like about the market, two answers stood out. The first, mentioned by almost everyone, was the quality of the food. People said the food was fresher than at the supermarket, and several said they trusted the sellers because they knew where the food came from. The second answer, mentioned by around half, was the social side. Older shoppers in particular described the market as a place to meet neighbours, talk to sellers, and feel less alone. One woman, eighty-two years old, said she had been shopping at the same fruit stall for forty-three years and considered the seller a friend.
FINDINGS DIFFICULTIES AND CHANGES
When we asked what people did not like, four issues came up most often.
First, many people mentioned that the market is too crowded between 10 and 11 a.m. on busy Saturdays — particularly difficult for older shoppers, parents with prams, and anyone with mobility limits.
Second, several people said prices for certain items, especially fish and cheese, have risen in recent years. A small number said they had reduced what they bought as a result.
Third, around fifteen people we spoke to (a quarter of the sample) said they did not always feel welcome at the market. Some were new to the neighbourhood and felt the market was 'for regulars'. A smaller number said they had felt looked at — sometimes because they were younger than most other shoppers, sometimes because they were visibly from another country. None of these comments suggested any deliberate unfriendliness; rather, they described how a market with strong regular patterns can feel closed to those outside them.
Fourth, several younger respondents said the market did not really have anything for them — no prepared food to eat there, no place to sit and talk, nothing aimed at people who were not yet doing their own household shopping.
When we asked what people would change, the four most common requests were: more places to sit and rest; a small area selling prepared food and drinks; clearer pricing (some sellers do not display prices, and some shoppers find this awkward); and a quieter or alternative time for older shoppers — perhaps an early hour before 9 a.m. when the market is less crowded.
WHAT THIS SURVEY CANNOT SHOW
It is important to be honest about the limits. This was a small survey, conducted by volunteers, in English, in person, with people who happened to be at the market. The findings reflect what those particular people said, on those particular days, when asked by us. The findings do not, on their own, tell us what people who never come think, or what young people in the area would value if anything were aimed at them. They also reflect, as all such surveys do, what people were willing to say to a stranger holding a clipboard.
A future survey could try to reach more of the missing voices — perhaps by asking former regulars why they stopped, by holding a separate consultation for younger residents, and by translating the questions into the languages spoken by recent arrivals to the area.
CONCLUSION
The Saturday market is popular, valued, and important to most of the people who currently use it. People come for the fresh food and stay, in many cases, for the connections. The most common requests are small and practical — more seating, a small prepared-food area, clearer prices, and a quieter early hour for older shoppers — none of which would require major changes.
Behind these small requests, however, the survey suggests a larger pattern: the market works very well for those who already use it, and rather less well for those who don't. With a small effort to reach the missing voices, and with the modest changes most respondents asked for, the market could continue to serve its current users while becoming more open to others as well. We hope this report is helpful, and we are happy to share more details, including the original notes, on request.
Key Vocabulary
to gather information phrase
(phrase) to collect facts and opinions from people
"The aim was to gather information."
questionnaire noun
a written list of questions used in a survey
"A more formal questionnaire would miss."
to approach (someone) verb
(here) to come up to someone, often to ask them something
"We approached people who were not in a hurry."
follow-up questions phrase
(phrase) extra questions asked after the first answer
"Said more interesting things in response to follow-up questions."
stand out phrase verb
(phrase verb) to be very noticeable; to be clearly different from others
"Two answers stood out."
the sample noun
(in a survey) the group of people you asked
"A quarter of the sample."
respondent noun
(in a survey) a person who answered the questions
"Several younger respondents."
to feel looked at phrase
(phrase) to notice that other people are watching you, often in an uncomfortable way
"They had felt looked at."
deliberate unfriendliness phrase
(phrase) being unfriendly on purpose
"None of these comments suggested any deliberate unfriendliness."
missing voices phrase
(phrase) the views of people who were not heard or asked
"Reach more of the missing voices."
consultation noun (formal)
(formal) a process of asking people for their views
"A separate consultation for younger residents."
modest changes phrase
(phrase) small changes; not big ones
"With the modest changes most respondents asked for."
Questions
Comprehension
  • Who carried out the survey, and over what period?
    Answer
    Five volunteers from the local neighbourhood association, over four Saturday mornings in spring (between 9 a.m. and 12 noon).
  • How does the report describe the strengths and limits of small community surveys at the start?
    Answer
    Strengths: they reach people in person, in the place itself, and capture specific opinions a formal questionnaire would miss. Limits: they reach fewer people than professional surveys.
  • How did the volunteers approach people, and why?
    Answer
    They approached people who 'were not in a hurry' — often those leaving the market or sitting nearby. They told people who they were, asked permission, and explained the survey would take three to five minutes.
  • Why does the report mention that 60% of respondents were women?
    Answer
    Because 'although the market is used by both men and women, women on the whole stopped to talk more readily'. The report is being honest that this affects what the survey reflects — women's views are over-represented in the sample.
  • What three groups did the volunteers NOT reach, and why?
    Answer
    (1) Many teenagers, who do not tend to use the market on Saturday mornings. (2) Many recent arrivals to the neighbourhood — partly because they may shop at the supermarket, partly because the survey was conducted only in English. (3) People who used to use the market and have stopped — possibly the most informative group, but the hardest to find.
  • What did one woman, aged eighty-two, say about her shopping habits?
    Answer
    She had been shopping at the same fruit stall for forty-three years and considered the seller a friend.
  • What four issues did people most often mention as 'difficulties'?
    Answer
    (1) The market is too crowded between 10 and 11 a.m. on busy Saturdays. (2) Prices for certain items (fish, cheese) have risen. (3) Around 15 people (a quarter of the sample) did not always feel welcome — some were new to the area, some felt looked at. (4) Younger respondents said the market 'did not really have anything for them' — no prepared food, no place to sit and talk.
  • How does the report describe the unfriendliness some respondents felt?
    Answer
    'None of these comments suggested any deliberate unfriendliness; rather, they described how a market with strong regular patterns can feel closed to those outside them.' The report is careful to make this distinction.
  • What four changes did people most commonly request?
    Answer
    (1) More places to sit and rest. (2) A small area selling prepared food and drinks. (3) Clearer pricing — some sellers do not display prices. (4) A quieter or alternative time for older shoppers — perhaps an early hour before 9 a.m.
  • How does the report describe the larger pattern in the conclusion?
    Answer
    'The market works very well for those who already use it, and rather less well for those who don't.' With small effort to reach missing voices and modest changes, the market could 'continue to serve its current users while becoming more open to others as well'.
Vocabulary
  • What does 'a sample' mean in survey writing?
    Answer
    The group of people you asked. A survey doesn't usually ask everyone — it asks a smaller group, and the findings reflect what that group said. A 'quarter of the sample' means a quarter of the people who were asked.
  • What is the difference between 'a respondent' and 'a person'?
    Answer
    A respondent is specifically a person who has answered the questions in a survey. The word focuses on their role in the survey, not on who they are otherwise. Using 'respondent' makes the report sound more careful and less personal.
Inference
  • Why does the report keep returning to the question of who was NOT asked?
    Suggested interpretation
    Because a survey is only as good as its sample. By repeatedly noting who was missed (teenagers, recent arrivals, former regulars), the report makes its findings honest and useful. A reader who understands the limits can use the findings carefully; a reader who doesn't know the limits might draw wrong conclusions. This is good practice in any survey reporting.
  • Why does the report make the distinction between 'deliberate unfriendliness' and a market that 'can feel closed to those outside'?
    Suggested interpretation
    Because the writers want to be fair to the regulars and the sellers, who are not behaving badly, while still naming a real problem. A market with long-standing regulars develops habits, in-jokes, and shorthand that can make new people feel like outsiders, without anyone meaning to exclude them. The careful distinction is important: it identifies the problem without unfairly blaming individuals.
  • Why does the report describe one 82-year-old woman's specific story (a forty-three-year friendship with the fruit-seller)?
    Suggested interpretation
    Because the specific detail makes the abstract finding ('the social side matters to older shoppers') concrete and memorable. A reader can imagine forty-three years of small Saturday-morning conversations. The story does what survey statistics often cannot — it shows what 'the social side' actually looks like in one person's life.
Discussion
  • Why might 'people who used to use the market and have stopped' be the most useful group to talk to? How could a future survey reach them?
    Discussion prompts
    Most useful because they can say what is going wrong. People who still come will mainly say what is going right. Reaching them is hard because they no longer come to the market — but you could ask in nearby shops, post a survey on the neighbourhood social media, or ask current shoppers if they know someone who has stopped coming. A useful question for thinking about how to do better surveys.
  • Is it the volunteers' job to make the market more welcoming, or just to report what they found?
    Discussion prompts
    Two views. JUST REPORT: that's what a survey is for — gather information and let others act. ALSO ADVOCATE: a survey that ends with 'someone should fix this' is more useful than one that just describes problems. PROBABLY: this report does both — describes what was found, suggests modest changes, names the larger pattern. A useful question about the role of community-led research.
  • Have you noticed places in your area where 'a strong regular pattern' has made the place feel closed to new people? How could this be changed?
    Discussion prompts
    Common answers: 'Yes, my local café — the regulars know each other and new customers feel like outsiders'; 'A community group I tried to join'; 'A church I visited once'. Solutions: signs welcoming new people, regulars actively introducing newcomers, designated 'beginner' times. A useful real-world question.
Personal
  • Have you ever stopped going somewhere because you didn't feel welcome? What was the place, and what would have made a difference?
    Teacher guidance
    Students' own experience. Common answers: 'Yes, a gym where everyone seemed to know each other'; 'A community group where I was the only foreigner'; 'A shop where the staff seemed unfriendly'; 'I have not, I keep trying'. Be warm. Many students will recognise this. The point is recognition, not pushing students to share.
  • If you were one of the volunteers, which finding would you most want the council to act on, and why?
    Teacher guidance
    Students' own answer. Common answers: 'Places to sit, because older people deserve them'; 'Clearer prices, because it is fairer'; 'Reaching missing voices, because that's the bigger problem'. A useful question — students can choose their own priority.
Writing Task
Prompt
Write a structured survey report (300–400 words) on a small survey you have done (real or imagined). Use sections (introduction, how the survey was carried out, who was asked and who wasn't, findings, what the survey cannot show, conclusion). Be honest about the method and the limits. Use proportion language and reported speech. Make at least one observation about a larger pattern across the findings.
Model Answer

INTRODUCTION. This report describes a small survey of the after-school sports activities at our school. Three students carried out the survey over two weeks in October, asking 40 students between the ages of 13 and 16. The aim was to find out which activities students use, why, and what they would like to see changed.

HOW THE SURVEY WAS CARRIED OUT. We asked students at lunchtime over five days. We had four short questions and let students answer in their own words. We told them the answers would be shared with the school sports coordinator.

WHO WE SPOKE TO, AND WHO WE DID NOT. About 60% of the students we asked were boys, although the school has roughly equal numbers of boys and girls. We mostly missed students who do not stay for after-school activities — possibly the most useful group to speak to. We also did not reach the youngest students, who tend to leave straight after school.

FINDINGS. About half of the students said they take part in at least one after-school sport, most commonly football, basketball, or running. About a third said they had tried an activity once and stopped. The most common reasons for stopping were: not enough time with homework, the activity was at the wrong day, or they did not feel welcome with the group that already attended.

A smaller number of students said they would like an activity that does not exist at present — most often, a low-pressure exercise group that does not require competition.

WHAT THIS SURVEY CANNOT SHOW. We only asked students who were at school at lunchtime that week. We did not reach students who were absent, those who actively avoid sport, or any of the parents who might have views.

CONCLUSION. The school's after-school sports work well for some students, but a notable number have tried activities and stopped. The pattern suggests that the activities serve those already comfortable in sport, and less well those who are not yet. A small new low-pressure activity, alongside better welcome practices in existing groups, might encourage more students to take part.

Activities
  • Section-by-section analysis: in groups of six, students take one section each, summarise its key points, and present to the rest of the group. The group reconstructs the full structure.
  • Method evaluation: in pairs, students discuss the survey method described. What did the volunteers do well? What might they have done differently?
  • The careful distinction: in groups, students examine the line about 'deliberate unfriendliness' versus a market that 'can feel closed'. Why is the distinction important? Where else in life is this kind of careful framing useful?
  • Mini-survey design: in pairs, students design a small survey on a real topic in their school or community. They write five questions and identify who they would and would not be able to reach.
  • Cultural sharing: in groups, students discuss whether community-led surveys exist in their context. Who does them? Are the findings used?
  • The missing voices: in pairs, students take one of the 'missing voices' from the report (teenagers, recent arrivals, former users) and design a separate small survey aimed specifically at them. What would they ask differently?
  • Compare with B1: students compare the B1 and B2 versions and identify three places where the B2 version is more careful, more attentive to method, or more honest about limits.
  • Practice piece: students write a 300-word structured survey report on a real or imagined small survey, applying the writer's principles.
  • Role-play: in pairs, one student is a survey volunteer; the other is a busy shopper. Practise polite ways of asking, including respecting the answer 'I don't have time'.
Duration: 50 min 🎯 Focus: Sustained reportorial register; the small-scale survey as a piece of careful civic work; reported speech with attribution; the careful framing of method and limits; the gap between what people say and what is going on; description of changing patterns without theoretical jargon
Before You Read / Listen
  • Q1What is the relationship between what people say in a survey and what they actually want?
  • Q2Why do small community surveys, despite reaching fewer people than professional ones, often produce more useful information about a particular place?
  • Q3Whose voices are systematically heard in surveys, and whose are not — and what can a careful surveyor do about it?
  • Q4Is there a difference between a market that has 'changed' and one that has been 'allowed to change'?
  • Q5What is the responsibility of a small community group towards the people whose views they have collected?
  • Q6Why is it harder to ask a useful question than to count the answers?
  • Q7What do you do, as a surveyor, when several respondents say something that contradicts what you yourself believe?
The Text
INTRODUCTION
This report describes a small community survey of the Saturday market in our neighbourhood, carried out over four Saturdays in spring by five volunteers from the local neighbourhood association. The aim was to gather information about how the market is used, what people who use it value about it, and what they would like to see changed. The report has been prepared for the market organisers and the local council, but is also being shared with anyone in the neighbourhood who is interested in the findings.
Some opening framing is worth offering before the findings themselves. Small community surveys of this kind have particular strengths and particular weaknesses, and a serious report has to acknowledge both. The strengths include the ability to reach people in person, in the place itself, in conversations that are sometimes much more revealing than written questionnaires. The weaknesses include limited reach, a sample shaped by who happened to stop and talk, and the well-known difficulty that what people say to a stranger holding a clipboard is not always exactly what they would say to a close friend, or even exactly what they themselves would say if they thought about the question for an hour. A useful report makes use of the strengths while being honest about the weaknesses.
METHOD
Five volunteers spent four Saturday mornings at the market, between 9 a.m. and 12 noon. We approached people who were not in a hurry — typically those leaving the market or sitting nearby with their shopping. We told them who we were and what we were doing, asked permission, and explained that the conversation would take three to five minutes. We had a list of five main questions but allowed conversations to follow their own course; people often said more interesting things in answer to a follow-up question than to the prepared one, and we tried to record those answers in their own words.
We interviewed 60 people in total. Notes were compiled at the end of each Saturday, and the volunteers met midweek to compare what they had heard.
WHO WE REACHED, AND WHO WE DID NOT
Of the 60 people we spoke to, around half were over 60 years old; about a third were adults aged 30 to 60, often shopping with children; the remainder were younger adults. Around 60% of those we spoke to were women, although the market is used by both men and women. Women tended to stop and talk more readily.
It is worth being explicit about which voices the survey did not capture. We did not reach many teenagers, who do not, on the whole, use the market on Saturday mornings. We reached very few recent arrivals to the neighbourhood, partly because they may shop at the supermarket, and partly because the survey was conducted only in English. We did not reach people who used to use the market and have stopped — possibly the most informative group, but the hardest to find. We also did not reach the sellers themselves, whose perspective on the market would be different and would deserve a separate piece of work. These gaps shape what the report can and cannot say, and we have tried to keep them visible in what follows.
FINDINGS USE AND VALUE
Of the people we spoke to, about 70% come every Saturday; around 20% come less regularly, perhaps once or twice a month; the remainder are occasional visitors. When we asked what people buy, the answers were varied but had a clear shape. Almost everyone (around 90%) comes principally for fresh food. About a third also buy household items — soap, plants, candles, kitchen tools — though several respondents mentioned that there used to be more variety in this category than there is now.
When we asked what people like, two answers stood out. The first, mentioned by almost everyone, was the quality of the food. People said the produce was fresher than at the supermarket, and several said they trusted particular sellers because they knew where the produce came from. The second answer, mentioned by around half, was the social side. Older shoppers in particular described the market as a place where they meet neighbours, talk to sellers, and feel less alone. One woman, eighty-two years old, told us she had been shopping at the same fruit stall for forty-three years and considered the seller a friend.
FINDINGS DIFFICULTIES
When we asked what people did not like, four issues came up most often.
First, many respondents mentioned that the market becomes uncomfortably crowded between 10 and 11 a.m. on busy Saturdays. This was particularly difficult for older shoppers, parents with prams, and people with mobility limits. Several older respondents mentioned that they have changed their habits — coming earlier or shopping less at the market — to avoid the busiest hour.
Second, several people said prices for certain items, especially fish and cheese, have risen in recent years. A small number told us they had reduced what they bought as a result. The reported price changes correspond to wider changes in food prices, but the cumulative effect on this market may be worth particular attention.
Third, around fifteen people we spoke to (a quarter of the sample) said they did not always feel welcome at the market. Some were new to the neighbourhood and felt the market was 'for regulars'. A smaller number said they had felt looked at — sometimes because they were younger than most other shoppers, sometimes because they were visibly from another country. None of these comments suggested any deliberate unfriendliness; rather, they described how a market with strong regular patterns can feel closed to those outside them. This is worth dwelling on, because it points to a pattern that is not necessarily a problem of individuals but of how the market currently presents itself to people who do not yet know it.
Fourth, several younger respondents said the market did not really have anything for them — no prepared food to eat there, no place to sit and talk, nothing aimed at people not yet doing their own household shopping. This finding is worth taking seriously, because the market's longer-term future depends in part on whether younger residents come to use it as they grow into household management.
FINDINGS WHAT PEOPLE WOULD CHANGE
When we asked what people would change, four requests came up most often: more places to sit and rest; a small area selling prepared food and drinks; clearer pricing on stalls (some sellers do not display prices, and several shoppers told us they find this awkward, particularly if they are new to the market); and a quieter or alternative time for older shoppers — perhaps an early hour before 9 a.m. when the market is less crowded.
It is worth noting that what people ask for and what would actually serve them best are not always the same. The request for prepared food, for example, may reflect what younger respondents want, but adding it could change the market's atmosphere in ways those same respondents have not necessarily considered. The request for clearer pricing may reflect a real difficulty for new shoppers, but may also reflect a preference for the way supermarkets work — and a market is, in some respects, a different kind of place. A useful response to a survey is not simply to grant the requests, but to think about what they reveal about how the market is currently being used and not used.
WHAT THIS SURVEY CANNOT SHOW
It is important to be honest about the limits. This was a small survey, conducted in English, in person, with people who happened to be at the market on four Saturday mornings. The findings reflect what those particular people said to particular volunteers on particular days. They do not, on their own, tell us what those who never come to the market think, or what young people in the area would value if anything were aimed at them, or what would be said by the sellers themselves. They also reflect, as all such surveys do, what people were willing to say to a stranger with a clipboard.
A future survey could try to reach more of the missing voices: by asking former regulars why they stopped; by holding a separate consultation for younger residents and recent arrivals (translated into the languages spoken in the neighbourhood); by interviewing the sellers; and by asking shoppers more open questions about their actual habits, rather than only their stated preferences.
WHAT THE SURVEY DOES SUGGEST
Despite these limits, the survey points clearly to several things. The market is loved by its current users and serves an important social as well as commercial function. The most common difficulties are concrete and practical, not deep or unfixable. There is, however, a quieter pattern across several findings: the market works very well for those who already use it, and rather less well for those who do not. The unwelcome feeling reported by newer shoppers, the lack of anything aimed at younger residents, and the absence of voices from those who have stopped coming all point in roughly the same direction. The market is, at present, a market for its existing community, doing that job well. The question for its future is whether it can also become more open — without losing what is already working.
RECOMMENDATIONS
The most useful improvements would be modest and practical. They are listed here in order of urgency:
1. Add seating, particularly near the busiest stalls and near the south side of the market.
2. Encourage sellers to display prices visibly, ideally with a small standard sign system across the market.
3. Trial an earlier quiet hour (8 to 9 a.m.) for older shoppers, with a small survey afterwards to see whether it is used.
4. Consider a small designated space for prepared food, sat slightly to one side of the main market — not replacing existing stalls but adding to them.
5. Conduct a separate consultation aimed specifically at the missing voices — former regulars, younger residents, recent arrivals, and the sellers themselves.
Recommendation 5 is the most important of the five. The other four can usefully be tried; but without input from the missing voices, we cannot really know whether they will serve the wider neighbourhood, or only those already well served.
CONCLUSION
The Saturday market is popular, valued, and important to most of the people who use it. People come for the fresh food and stay, in many cases, for the connections. The most common requests are small and practical, and could be acted on without major changes. Behind these small requests, however, the survey has revealed a quieter pattern: the market works well for those who already use it, and rather less well for those who don't. With small effort and small expense, that gap could be narrowed. We hope this report is useful to the council and the market organisers, and we are happy to share more details, including the original notes, on request.
Key Vocabulary
to gather information phrase
(phrase) to collect facts and opinions from people
"The aim was to gather information."
to capture (voices) verb (figurative)
(figurative) to include or record someone's views
"Which voices the survey did not capture."
to be explicit about phrase
(phrase) to state something openly and clearly
"It is worth being explicit about which voices the survey did not capture."
to compile (notes) verb (formal)
(formal) to put together and organise pieces of information
"Notes were compiled at the end of each Saturday."
stand out phrase verb
(phrase verb) to be very noticeable; to be clearly different from others
"Two answers stood out."
cumulative effect phrase
(phrase) the total effect of many small things added up over time
"The cumulative effect on this market."
to dwell on (something) phrase verb
(phrase verb) to spend time thinking or talking about something
"This is worth dwelling on."
stated preferences phrase
(phrase) what people say they prefer (which may be different from what they actually do)
"Their stated preferences."
in roughly the same direction phrase
(phrase) suggesting roughly the same conclusion
"All point in roughly the same direction."
to narrow (a gap) verb (figurative)
(figurative) to make smaller
"That gap could be narrowed."
designated space phrase
(phrase) a particular space chosen for a particular purpose
"A small designated space for prepared food."
input noun
(in this context) opinions, views, or information from people
"Without input from the missing voices."
Questions
Comprehension
  • How does the report describe the strengths and weaknesses of small community surveys?
    Answer
    Strengths: ability to reach people in person, in the place itself, in conversations 'sometimes much more revealing than written questionnaires'. Weaknesses: limited reach; a sample shaped by who happened to stop; what people say to a stranger holding a clipboard 'is not always exactly what they would say to a close friend, or even exactly what they themselves would say if they thought about the question for an hour'.
  • How were the conversations conducted?
    Answer
    The volunteers had five main questions but allowed conversations to follow their own course. People often said more interesting things in answer to follow-up questions than to prepared ones, and the volunteers tried to record those answers in the respondents' own words.
  • Which voices did the survey NOT capture, and why?
    Answer
    (1) Many teenagers — they don't generally use the market on Saturday mornings. (2) Few recent arrivals — the survey was conducted only in English. (3) People who used to use the market and have stopped — possibly the most informative, hardest to find. (4) The sellers themselves — their perspective would deserve a separate piece of work.
  • What four issues came up most often in 'what people did not like'?
    Answer
    (1) Crowding between 10 and 11 a.m. on busy Saturdays. (2) Rising prices on certain items (fish, cheese). (3) Around 15 people (a quarter of the sample) didn't always feel welcome — new to the area, or felt looked at. (4) Younger respondents said the market 'did not really have anything for them'.
  • How does the report describe the unwelcome feeling some respondents reported?
    Answer
    'None of these comments suggested any deliberate unfriendliness; rather, they described how a market with strong regular patterns can feel closed to those outside them. This is worth dwelling on, because it points to a pattern that is not necessarily a problem of individuals but of how the market currently presents itself.'
  • What does the report say about why younger respondents' views matter for the market's future?
    Answer
    'The market's longer-term future depends in part on whether younger residents come to use it as they grow into household management.' If young people don't come now, they may not come later either.
  • What does the report say about the difference between what people ask for and what would actually serve them?
    Answer
    'What people ask for and what would actually serve them best are not always the same.' For example, the request for prepared food may reflect what younger respondents want, but could change the market's atmosphere. The request for clearer pricing may reflect a preference for how supermarkets work, but a market is 'a different kind of place'. The report suggests using survey requests as information about how the market is being used, not as a list of demands to grant.
  • What 'quieter pattern' does the survey suggest?
    Answer
    'The market works very well for those who already use it, and rather less well for those who do not.' Several findings — the unwelcome feeling, the lack of anything for younger residents, the absence of voices from former users — 'all point in roughly the same direction'.
  • What five recommendations does the report make, and which is most important?
    Answer
    (1) Add seating. (2) Encourage clearer pricing. (3) Trial an earlier quiet hour for older shoppers. (4) Consider a small designated space for prepared food. (5) Conduct a separate consultation for the missing voices — former regulars, younger residents, recent arrivals, and the sellers. Recommendation 5 is the most important: 'without input from the missing voices, we cannot really know whether [the other improvements] will serve the wider neighbourhood, or only those already well served'.
Vocabulary
  • What does 'cumulative effect' mean in the report?
    Answer
    The total effect of many small things added up over time. The reported price changes for certain items 'correspond to wider changes in food prices', but their effect on this particular market — over time, as people slowly buy less — may be 'worth particular attention'. The phrase captures how small changes can add up to big consequences.
  • What does the writer mean by 'stated preferences'?
    Answer
    What people say they prefer when asked. The writer is making a careful distinction: stated preferences are what someone says in response to a question; actual habits or actual needs may be different. A good survey reads stated preferences as information, but knows they may not be the whole story.
Inference
  • Why does the writer say a clipboard might affect the answers people give?
    Suggested interpretation
    Because surveys with clipboards feel formal, and people tend to give 'good' answers — answers that sound reasonable to a stranger. They may not say what they really think, especially if it sounds small or selfish. By naming this, the writer is honest about the limits of the survey method itself, not just the sample.
  • Why does the writer say recommendation 5 (a separate consultation for missing voices) is the most important?
    Suggested interpretation
    Because the first four recommendations could improve the market for the people who already use it. Without input from the missing voices, the writer cannot say whether the changes will serve the wider neighbourhood. The fifth recommendation makes the survey self-correcting — it points beyond itself to a more complete picture. This is sophisticated thinking about what a survey can and cannot do.
  • Why does the writer add the line about how a market is 'a different kind of place' from a supermarket?
    Suggested interpretation
    Because some survey requests reveal how respondents are thinking about the market, not what the market should become. A request for clearer pricing may reflect supermarket habits being applied to a market — but markets and supermarkets work differently. Granting the request fully might make the market more like a supermarket, which respondents may not actually want. The writer is saying: read what people ask for as a clue to how they understand the place, not just as a list of changes to make.
  • What is the writer doing by carefully separating 'what the survey cannot show' and 'what the survey does suggest'?
    Suggested interpretation
    Two things at once. First, intellectual honesty: there are real limits to what 60 conversations can tell us. Second, useful conclusion: despite the limits, the survey does suggest a clear pattern. The structure prevents the report from either overclaiming (pretending the survey shows everything) or underclaiming (pretending it shows nothing). Both failures are common in survey writing; this report avoids them.
Discussion
  • Is the writer's distinction between 'what people ask for' and 'what would actually serve them' fair, or does it suggest the writer thinks they know better than the respondents?
    Discussion prompts
    Both readings are possible. FAIR: respondents may not have thought through implications; surveys often capture surface preferences; the writer is being intellectually honest. UNFAIR: deciding that you know better than the people you asked is a familiar move that ignores their actual experience; the writer may be projecting their own preferences. PROBABLY: the distinction is useful but should be held with care. The writer's role is to take the answers seriously and think about them, not simply to grant or override them. A useful question.
  • Why does the writer treat 'voices from those who have stopped coming' as 'possibly the most informative group'?
    Discussion prompts
    Because current users mostly explain why the market works (or they wouldn't still be coming). Former users can explain what is going wrong — what made them leave. Without their input, the survey can describe what is good but not really what is broken. This is a sophisticated insight about how to learn from a community.
  • Have you noticed a place in your community that 'works well for those who already use it, and rather less well for those who don't'? What is it, and what would help?
    Discussion prompts
    Common answers: 'Yes, my neighbourhood mosque/church — newcomers find it hard'; 'A community group I tried to join'; 'A market that has been there for generations'; 'A school where most parents already know each other'. Solutions: explicit welcome practices, clearer information for new people, regular invitations to outsiders. A useful question for thinking about community spaces.
Personal
  • Have you ever stopped using a place you liked? What changed, and would anyone have asked you why?
    Teacher guidance
    Students' own experience. Common answers: 'Yes, a café where the staff changed and it lost its feel'; 'A library that reduced its hours'; 'A shop that became more expensive'. The writer's point is that these voices are rarely asked about. Be warm. Many students will have an example.
  • If you were one of the volunteers, would you have asked any different questions? Which?
    Teacher guidance
    Students' own answer. Common answers: 'Yes, I would have asked what people would miss most if the market closed'; 'I would have asked sellers what they noticed about shoppers'; 'I would have asked about specific stalls'. A useful design question. Encourage thinking about what makes a question useful.
Writing Task
Prompt
Write a structured survey-findings report (450–550 words) on a small survey, real or imagined. Use sections (introduction, method, who reached and missed, findings, what the survey cannot show, what it does suggest, recommendations, conclusion). Pay close attention to who was reached and who was not. Make a careful distinction between what people said and what the survey suggests. Make at least one observation about a structural pattern across the findings. End with a recommendation for further work that addresses the missing voices.
Model Answer

INTRODUCTION. This report describes a small survey of the city library's evening services, carried out by four volunteers over three weeks in November. The aim was to understand how the library's evening hours (5 to 8 p.m.) are used, who uses them, and what could be improved.

METHOD. We approached people leaving the library between 5 and 8 p.m. on weekdays. We had four short questions and let conversations follow their course. We interviewed 45 people in total, recording their answers in their own words and meeting weekly to compare notes.

WHO WE REACHED, AND WHO WE DID NOT. About 60% of those we spoke to were students aged 16 to 22; about 25% were adults using the computers; the rest were older readers using the reference section. We did not reach families with young children (who use the library earlier); shift workers (who work at these hours); or those who cannot reach the library at all. The survey was conducted in English only.

FINDINGS. About half of those we spoke to use the evening hours regularly. The most common reasons given were: a quiet place to study, free Wi-Fi, and avoiding distractions at home. Around a third said the library was 'one of the few free places open in the evening'. Several students reported that they would not be able to do their schoolwork at home — too many siblings, no quiet space, no internet.

DIFFICULTIES. Three issues came up. First, the lighting in the reading room is dim and tiring after long study sessions. Second, the only available drinking water is from a single fountain on a different floor. Third, the entrance after 6 p.m. uses a side door that is poorly lit and can feel unwelcoming.

WHAT THIS SURVEY CANNOT SHOW. We only asked people who used the library in the evening. We did not reach those who would benefit from evening hours but cannot come — shift workers, parents with young children at home, people without transport.

WHAT THE SURVEY DOES SUGGEST. A clear pattern emerges: the library's evening service is filling a real gap, particularly for students from households without quiet space or home internet. The difficulties named are concrete and small. Behind them, however, lies a wider question — whether the evening service could be expanded to reach those who currently cannot access it.

RECOMMENDATIONS, in order of urgency: (1) replace the lighting in the reading room; (2) install a drinking fountain in the main reading area; (3) improve lighting at the side entrance; (4) consider extending hours during exam periods; (5) conduct a separate consultation with shift workers, parents at home, and others who currently cannot use the evening service. The fifth recommendation is the most important: it would help us understand whether the service is reaching everyone it could.

CONCLUSION. The library's evening hours serve a real and not always visible need. Modest practical improvements would significantly improve the experience. With a separate consultation aimed at those currently missing, the service could become genuinely available to the wider community.

Activities
  • Section-by-section reading: in groups of seven, students take one section each, summarise its core argument, and present to the rest of the group. Together they reconstruct the full structure.
  • What people say vs. what is going on: students collect every place where the writer makes a careful distinction between stated preferences and possible meanings. Discuss how this distinction works in real surveys.
  • Missing voices analysis: in pairs, students discuss each missing voice (teenagers, recent arrivals, former regulars, sellers) and design a separate small approach for each.
  • The two patterns: students discuss the two patterns the writer names — the small concrete difficulties and the larger pattern (works well for current users, less well for others). How are they related?
  • Strongest critique: each student writes a 250-word critique of the report from a position the writer hasn't fully addressed (a market seller; a council official; a teenager who never goes to markets). Discuss the toughest critique in the room.
  • Cultural translation: in groups, students discuss how community-led surveys work in their context. Are they common? Are they read? What language are they in?
  • Practice piece: students write a 400-word structured survey report on a real or imagined small survey, applying the writer's principles.
  • Compare with B2: students compare the B2 and C1 versions and identify three places where the C1 voice goes further — in self-positioning, in distinguishing what is said from what is meant, in handling the missing voices.
  • Quiet writing: students draft (privately) the introduction to a survey they could imagine doing in their own community.
Duration: 55 min 🎯 Focus: Sustained reportorial register; the careful negotiation between what people say, what they mean, and what is going on; the survey as a piece of small civic research; precise self-positioning of the surveyors; controlled use of structural observation without academic vocabulary; the description of changing patterns in plain observable language
Before You Read / Listen
  • Q1Why does the small community survey, despite reaching fewer people than professional research, often produce information that professional research cannot?
  • Q2What is the relationship between what respondents say in a survey and what is actually happening to a place?
  • Q3Whose voices are systematically heard in surveys about community spaces, and whose are systematically not — and what is the responsibility of careful surveyors towards those they have not reached?
  • Q4Is it possible to describe slow changes in a community space without reaching for borrowed academic vocabulary that may obscure rather than illuminate?
  • Q5What does a small group of community volunteers learn, in the act of carrying out a survey, that they could not have learned by any other means?
  • Q6Why is the gap between 'what people want' and 'what would actually serve them' one of the most useful things a careful survey can identify?
  • Q7Is there an ethics specific to surveys conducted by community members about their own community — different from professional research?
  • Q8How does a surveyor describe a market that has been slowly changing, in ways some users have welcomed and others have not, without imposing a theoretical frame the respondents themselves did not use?
The Text
INTRODUCTION
This report describes a small community survey of the Saturday market in our neighbourhood, carried out over four Saturdays in spring by five volunteers from the local neighbourhood association. The aim of the survey was to gather information about how the market is currently used, what people who use it value about it, what they find difficult, and what they would like to see change. The report is being shared with the market organisers, the local council, and any resident of the neighbourhood who is interested.
Before describing the findings, it is worth offering some opening framing. Small community surveys of the kind described here have particular strengths and particular limits, and a serious report has to acknowledge both honestly. The strengths include the ability to reach people in person, in the place itself, in conversations that are sometimes considerably more revealing than a written questionnaire could be. The volunteers, in carrying out the conversations, also learned things about the market — its rhythms, its regulars, its unwritten patterns — that no questionnaire could have captured. The weaknesses include limited reach, a sample shaped by who happened to stop and talk, and the well-known difficulty that what people say to a stranger holding a clipboard is not always exactly what they would say to a close friend, or even exactly what they themselves would say if they thought about the question carefully for an hour. A report that takes its task seriously has to make use of the strengths while remaining honest about the weaknesses.
It is also worth noting at the outset that 'what people want' is, in survey work, a more complicated category than the phrase suggests. People answer the questions they are asked, not the questions they wish they had been asked; they describe their preferences in the words available to them, which are often the words shaped by what they are used to elsewhere; and they reveal, in the small details of their answers, things about how the market is changing that the explicit answers themselves do not name. A useful report tries to listen to the explicit answers and to the small details together.
METHOD
Five volunteers spent four Saturday mornings at the market, between 9 a.m. and 12 noon. We approached people who were not in a hurry — typically those leaving the market or sitting nearby with their shopping. We told them who we were, asked permission, and explained that the conversation would take three to five minutes. We had a list of five main questions, but we let conversations follow their own course; people often said more interesting things in answer to follow-up questions than to the prepared ones, and we made an effort to record those answers in the respondents' own words rather than translating them into the framework of the formal questions.
We interviewed 60 people. Notes were compiled at the end of each Saturday, and the volunteers met midweek to compare what they had heard.
WHO WE REACHED, AND WHO WE DID NOT
Of the 60 people we spoke to, around half were over 60 years old; about a third were adults aged 30 to 60, often shopping with children; the remainder were younger adults under 30. Approximately 60% of those we spoke to were women, although the market is used by both men and women; women, on the whole, stopped to talk more readily.
It is essential to be explicit about which voices the survey did not capture, because these gaps shape what the report can and cannot say. We did not reach many teenagers, who do not, on the whole, use the market on Saturday mornings — though they pass through, often heading elsewhere. We reached very few recent arrivals to the neighbourhood, partly because they may shop at the supermarket and partly because the survey was conducted only in English; this is a limitation we discussed at length, and were unable to address with the resources available to us. We did not reach people who used to use the market and have stopped — possibly the most informative group, but the hardest to find without resources we did not have. We also did not reach the sellers themselves, whose perspective on the market would be different and would deserve a separate piece of careful work, ideally conducted by someone with established relationships among them. These gaps will recur in the discussion that follows, because they shape both what we have heard and what we have not.
FINDINGS USE AND VALUE
Of the people we spoke to, about 70% come every Saturday. Around 20% come less regularly, perhaps once or twice a month. The remainder are occasional visitors, including a small number who came for the first time on the day we spoke to them.
When asked what they buy, respondents gave varied answers with a clear shape. Almost everyone (around 90%) said they come principally for fresh food. About a third also buy household items — soap, plants, candles, kitchen tools — though several respondents mentioned that there used to be more variety in this category than there is now. The mention is small, but it recurred enough across conversations that it seems worth recording as a quiet pattern: not all the changes the market has undergone have been welcomed.
When we asked what people like, two answers stood out. The first, mentioned by almost everyone, was the quality of the food. People said the produce was fresher than at the supermarket, and several said they trusted particular sellers because they knew where the food came from. The second answer, mentioned by around half, was the social side. Older shoppers in particular described the market as a place where they meet neighbours, talk to sellers, and feel less alone. One woman, eighty-two years old, said she had been shopping at the same fruit stall for forty-three years and considered the seller a friend; another, seventy-six, said the market was 'the place where I am still known by name'. These answers are concrete and specific. They suggest that the market does something the supermarket genuinely cannot — and that what it does extends well beyond the transaction itself.
FINDINGS DIFFICULTIES
When we asked what people did not like, four issues came up most often.
First, many respondents mentioned that the market becomes uncomfortably crowded between 10 and 11 a.m. on busy Saturdays. This was particularly difficult for older shoppers, parents with prams, and people with mobility limits. Several older respondents told us they had changed their habits — coming earlier, or shopping less at the market — to avoid the busiest hour. The change in their habits is, in itself, a small finding worth attending to: a difficulty becomes a structural pattern when those affected by it begin to use the place less.
Second, several people said prices for certain items, particularly fish and cheese, have risen in recent years. A small number told us they had reduced what they bought as a result. The reported price changes correspond to wider changes in food prices, which are not the market's fault; but their cumulative effect on this market — over time, as people slowly buy less — may be worth particular attention. A market is a sensitive social space, and small economic shifts produce slow social effects that are often invisible until well after they have taken hold.
Third, around fifteen people we spoke to (a quarter of the sample) said they did not always feel welcome at the market. Some were new to the neighbourhood and felt the market was 'for regulars'. A smaller number said they had felt looked at — sometimes because they were younger than most other shoppers, sometimes because they were visibly from another country. None of these comments suggested any deliberate unfriendliness; rather, they described how a market with strong regular patterns can feel closed to those outside them. This is worth dwelling on, because it points to a pattern that is not necessarily the fault of any individual but emerges, predictably, when a long-established community space has not made any particular effort to invite newcomers in.
Fourth, several younger respondents said the market did not really have anything for them — no prepared food to eat there, no place to sit and talk, nothing aimed at people who were not yet doing their own household shopping. This finding deserves attention beyond its immediate content, because the market's longer-term future depends in part on whether younger residents come to use it as they grow into household management. A market that does not currently engage younger residents is, all else equal, slowly becoming a market with fewer users in fifteen or twenty years.
FINDINGS WHAT PEOPLE WOULD CHANGE
When we asked what people would change, four requests came up most often: more places to sit and rest; a small area selling prepared food and drinks; clearer pricing on stalls (some sellers do not display prices, which several shoppers told us they find awkward, particularly if they are new to the market); and a quieter or alternative time for older shoppers — perhaps an early hour before 9 a.m. when the market is less crowded.
It is worth noting that what people ask for and what would actually serve them best are not always the same thing. The request for prepared food, for example, may reflect what younger respondents want, but adding it could change the market's character in ways those same respondents have not necessarily considered. The request for clearer pricing may reflect a real difficulty for new shoppers, but it may also reflect a preference for the way supermarkets work — and a market is, in some respects, a different kind of place. None of this means that survey requests should be ignored. It means that a thoughtful response listens to what is asked, and also tries to understand what is being asked for, and why. A useful response treats stated requests as evidence about how the market is currently used, not only as a checklist of things to add.
WHAT THIS SURVEY CANNOT SHOW
It is essential to be honest about the limits. This was a small survey, conducted in English, in person, with people who happened to be at the market on four Saturday mornings. The findings reflect what those particular people said to particular volunteers on particular days. They do not, on their own, tell us what people who never come think; they do not tell us what younger residents in the neighbourhood would value if anything were aimed at them; they do not tell us what the sellers themselves would say. They also reflect, as all such surveys do, what people were willing to say to a stranger holding a clipboard — which is rarely the whole of what they think.
A future programme of work could try to reach more of the missing voices: by asking former regulars why they stopped (perhaps via the neighbourhood association's existing mailing list); by holding a separate small consultation aimed at younger residents and recent arrivals, conducted in the languages spoken in the neighbourhood; by interviewing the sellers in their own time, with their permission, about what they have observed; and by asking shoppers more open questions about their actual habits, rather than only their stated preferences. These steps are small and, in the writers' opinion, well within what a coordinated community group could undertake.
WHAT THE SURVEY DOES SUGGEST
Despite its limits, the survey does point clearly to several things, and to one larger pattern that we would like to set out carefully.
The market is loved by its current users and serves a function — social as well as commercial — that genuinely matters to those who use it. The most common difficulties are concrete and practical, not deep or unfixable: more seating, clearer prices, a quieter early hour, a small designated space for prepared food. These could be addressed with modest effort and modest expense.
Behind these specific findings, however, several smaller patterns combine into a larger one that we think it is fair to name. The unwelcome feeling reported by newer shoppers; the absence of younger residents from the survey and from much of the market's daily life; the older shoppers who have changed their habits to avoid the busiest hour; the small mention from several respondents that there used to be more variety in household items than there is now; and the missing voices of those who have stopped using the market — these findings point in roughly the same direction. The market currently works very well for those who already use it, and rather less well for those who do not, who have left, who would benefit from changes that no-one has yet thought to make, or who simply find that the market in its present form has nothing aimed at them.
This is not, on the available evidence, the result of any deliberate decision. Markets, like most community spaces, change slowly through the accumulation of small choices and small inattentions, and the people best placed to notice the cumulative effect are usually the people whose voices are heard least clearly. The pattern is, in this respect, a familiar one for community spaces of many kinds.
RECOMMENDATIONS
The most useful improvements would be modest and practical. They are listed here in order of urgency:
1. Add seating, particularly near the busiest stalls and on the south side of the market.
2. Encourage sellers to display prices visibly, ideally with a small standard sign system across the market.
3. Trial a quiet early hour (8 to 9 a.m.) for older shoppers, with a small follow-up survey to see whether it is used.
4. Consider a small designated space for prepared food and drinks, slightly to one side of the main market — adding to the existing stalls rather than displacing them.
5. Conduct a coordinated programme of further consultation aimed specifically at the missing voices: former regulars, younger residents, recent arrivals, and the sellers themselves. This should ideally be conducted in the languages spoken in the neighbourhood and should be planned with the people most affected, not only on their behalf.
Recommendation 5 is, in the writers' view, considerably the most important of the five. Without input from the missing voices, we cannot really know whether the other recommendations will serve the wider neighbourhood, or only those who are already well served. The other recommendations could be tried; but they should be tried alongside, not instead of, the work of reaching those whose answers this survey did not capture.
CONCLUSION
The Saturday market is popular, valued, and important to most of the people who use it. People come for the fresh food, and stay, in many cases, for the connections — the long-running friendships with sellers, the conversations with neighbours, the small daily reassurance that one is still known. The most common requests for change are small and practical, and could be acted on without major changes to the market's character.
Behind these small requests, however, the survey suggests a quieter and more important pattern. The market works well for its existing community. It works less well for those who are not, at present, part of that community — newer residents, younger residents, those who have stopped coming, those who would benefit from changes that no-one has yet asked for. These users are not absent because anyone has decided to exclude them. They are absent because community spaces change slowly, in ways their existing users do not always notice, and the people best placed to point this out are usually the people whose voices the existing arrangements were not designed to hear.
With small effort and small expense, that gap could be narrowed. The market could continue to serve the people it already serves, while becoming more genuinely available to the wider neighbourhood. We hope this report is useful to the council, the market organisers, and the residents themselves, and we are happy to share more details — including the original notes — on request. The work of reaching those we did not reach this time, we should be clear, lies ahead of us; what is presented here is a first step, not a complete account.
Key Vocabulary
to listen to (something) verb (figurative)
(figurative) to pay careful attention to a piece of information
"Tries to listen to the explicit answers and to the small details together."
the framework of phrase
(phrase) the structure or set of categories of
"Translating them into the framework of the formal questions."
to address (a limitation) verb (formal)
(formal) to deal with a problem
"Unable to address with the resources available to us."
established relationships phrase
(phrase) friendships or connections that have been built up over time
"Someone with established relationships among them."
to recur verb (formal)
(formal) to happen again, often in different conversations
"Recurred enough across conversations."
to undergo (changes) verb (formal)
(formal) to experience, especially of a process happening to you
"The market has undergone."
to extend beyond phrase
(phrase) to go further than
"Extends well beyond the transaction itself."
structural pattern phrase
(phrase) a regular pattern caused by how a situation is organised, not by individual choices
"A difficulty becomes a structural pattern when those affected by it begin to use the place less."
to take hold (of a change) phrase verb
(phrase verb) to become firmly established
"Until well after they have taken hold."
predictably adverb
in a way that can be expected
"Emerges, predictably, when a long-established community space."
all else equal phrase
(phrase) if other factors stay the same
"All else equal, slowly becoming a market with fewer users."
checklist noun
a list of things to do or check
"Not only as a checklist of things to add."
to displace verb (formal)
(formal) to take the place of; to push out
"Adding to the existing stalls rather than displacing them."
Questions
Comprehension
  • How does the report describe the strengths and weaknesses of small community surveys?
    Answer
    Strengths: ability to reach people in person; conversations 'considerably more revealing than a written questionnaire could be'; volunteers learn things about the market that no questionnaire could capture. Weaknesses: limited reach; sample shaped by who happens to stop; what people say to a stranger 'is not always exactly what they would say to a close friend, or even exactly what they themselves would say if they thought about the question carefully for an hour'.
  • Why does the report say that 'what people want' is a 'more complicated category than the phrase suggests'?
    Answer
    (1) People answer the questions they are asked, not the questions they wish they had been asked. (2) They describe their preferences in the words available to them, often shaped by what they are used to elsewhere. (3) They reveal, in the small details of their answers, things about the market that the explicit answers themselves do not name. A useful report listens to both the explicit answers and the small details.
  • How did the volunteers handle the conversations during the survey?
    Answer
    They had five main questions but let conversations follow their course. People often said more interesting things in answer to follow-up questions than to prepared ones, and the volunteers 'made an effort to record those answers in the respondents' own words rather than translating them into the framework of the formal questions'.
  • What four groups did the volunteers NOT reach, and why?
    Answer
    (1) Many teenagers — they don't generally use the market on Saturday mornings. (2) Few recent arrivals — the survey was in English only. (3) People who used to use the market and have stopped — hardest to find. (4) The sellers themselves — their perspective deserves a separate piece of work, ideally conducted by 'someone with established relationships among them'.
  • What 'small finding' is buried in the older shoppers' description of crowding?
    Answer
    That several have changed their habits — coming earlier, or shopping less at the market — to avoid the busiest hour. The report notes: 'A difficulty becomes a structural pattern when those affected by it begin to use the place less.'
  • How does the report describe the unwelcome feeling reported by some respondents?
    Answer
    'None of these comments suggested any deliberate unfriendliness; rather, they described how a market with strong regular patterns can feel closed to those outside them.' The report adds: 'It points to a pattern that is not necessarily the fault of any individual but emerges, predictably, when a long-established community space has not made any particular effort to invite newcomers in.'
  • Why does the absence of younger residents from the survey matter for the market's future?
    Answer
    'A market that does not currently engage younger residents is, all else equal, slowly becoming a market with fewer users in fifteen or twenty years.' Younger residents who don't use the market now may not use it later, when they begin to manage their own households.
  • What does the report say about the distinction between what people ask for and what would actually serve them?
    Answer
    'What people ask for and what would actually serve them best are not always the same thing.' The request for prepared food may change the market's character in ways respondents haven't considered; the request for clearer pricing may reflect supermarket habits being applied to a market. 'A useful response treats stated requests as evidence about how the market is currently used, not only as a checklist of things to add.'
  • What 'larger pattern' does the report identify by combining several smaller findings?
    Answer
    Several findings — unwelcome feeling, absent younger residents, older shoppers changing habits, small mention of less variety than before, missing voices of those who have stopped — 'point in roughly the same direction'. The market 'works very well for those who already use it, and rather less well for those who do not, who have left, who would benefit from changes that no-one has yet thought to make, or who simply find that the market in its present form has nothing aimed at them'.
  • How does the report describe how this pattern emerges?
    Answer
    'Not, on the available evidence, the result of any deliberate decision. Markets, like most community spaces, change slowly through the accumulation of small choices and small inattentions, and the people best placed to notice the cumulative effect are usually the people whose voices are heard least clearly.'
  • What five recommendations does the report make, and which is most important?
    Answer
    (1) Add seating. (2) Encourage clearer pricing. (3) Trial a quiet early hour. (4) Consider a small designated space for prepared food. (5) Conduct a coordinated programme of further consultation aimed at missing voices, in the languages spoken in the neighbourhood, planned with those most affected. Recommendation 5 is 'considerably the most important' — without input from missing voices, the others may serve only those already well served.
Vocabulary
  • What does the writer mean by 'translating them into the framework of the formal questions'?
    Answer
    Reframing what someone said in the language of the survey's prepared questions, instead of recording what they actually said. The writer is making a careful methodological point: surveys often lose the most interesting information by tidying it up. The volunteers tried to avoid this by keeping the respondents' own words.
  • What is the writer doing with 'all else equal'?
    Answer
    Making a careful logical claim. 'All else equal' means: assuming nothing else changes. The writer is saying that if young people don't currently use the market, and nothing else changes, the market will have fewer users in 15–20 years. The phrase signals careful reasoning rather than a prediction the writer is fully committing to.
  • Find three pieces of careful self-positioning in the report. What is the cumulative effect?
    Answer
    Examples: 'In the writers' view'; 'in the writers' opinion'; 'on the available evidence'; 'we should be clear'; 'as we have tried to keep visible'. Cumulative effect: the writers maintain a measured, modest presence throughout. Their conclusions are presented as their best attempt to interpret what they have heard, not as authoritative pronouncements. This earns trust by acknowledging the limits of any one survey.
Inference
  • Why does the writer note that 'community spaces change slowly through the accumulation of small choices and small inattentions'?
    Suggested interpretation
    To make a careful structural observation in plain language. The writer is saying that market decline isn't usually caused by any single bad decision; it is caused by many small lapses that add up over time. This framing has two effects: it avoids unfair blame on individuals, and it identifies a pattern that requires deliberate attention to address. The writer is also being precise: 'small inattentions' is gentler than 'neglect' but names the same phenomenon.
  • Why does the writer say 'the people best placed to notice the cumulative effect are usually the people whose voices are heard least clearly'?
    Suggested interpretation
    Because those who are losing access to a community space are the ones who feel its decline first. Regular users of the market, who continue to come, see only the parts that still work. People who have stopped coming, or were never able to come, are the ones whose experience would reveal the gradual changes — and they are also, predictably, the ones not consulted in normal community processes. The writer is naming a structural pattern in how communities learn (or don't learn) about their own changes.
  • What is the writer doing with the closing line about 'the work of reaching those we did not reach this time lies ahead of us'?
    Suggested interpretation
    Several things at once. The writer is being honest that this report is not the final word — it is one stage in a longer process. The writer is also accepting responsibility for that longer process, not only for what has already been done. And the writer is, by example, modelling what 'good' surveying looks like: not pretending to have done everything, but pointing carefully to what comes next. The closing reframes the report as a 'first step', which is more accurate than presenting it as a complete account.
Discussion
  • Is the writer's careful distinction between what people say and what they mean fair, or does it suggest the writer believes they understand the respondents better than the respondents understand themselves?
    Discussion prompts
    Both readings are possible. FAIR: respondents may not have thought through implications; surveys often capture surface preferences; the writer is being intellectually honest. UNFAIR: deciding you understand respondents better than they do is a familiar move that ignores their actual experience. PROBABLY: the distinction is useful but should be held with care. The writer's role is to take the answers seriously and think about them, not to override them. A useful question.
  • Is the writer's framing of slow change ('through the accumulation of small choices and small inattentions') accurate, or does it let those with more power off the hook?
    Discussion prompts
    Multiple positions. ACCURATE: this is how most community decline actually works; sweeping accusations of bad faith are usually wrong. LETS THEM OFF: 'no-one is responsible' is a familiar way of avoiding accountability; some changes are deliberate. PROBABLY: both readings have force. The writer's framing is fair to the absence of malice but also avoids harder questions about who has benefited from the small choices and small inattentions. A useful question.
  • Whose voices, even after recommendation 5, would still be missing from a future survey? How could they be reached?
    Discussion prompts
    Possible answers: people who never go to public spaces at all; people whose disability makes participation in any survey difficult; people who don't trust community organisations; people who are present in the neighbourhood but not technically residents (workers, visitors, recent migrants without papers). Reaching them might require: home visits with translators; careful work with community gatekeepers; very simple translated forms; and acceptance that some voices may never be reachable through this kind of method. A useful methodological discussion.
  • How would this report read in a culture where community-led surveys of public spaces are unfamiliar? Would the assumptions translate?
    Discussion prompts
    Some assumptions might not. The idea that a small group of volunteers can carry out research and present it to a council depends on a particular kind of civic culture — one where councils accept community input as legitimate, where neighbourhood associations exist, and where information of this kind is heard. In some contexts, similar work would happen through different channels (religious leaders, family elders, informal conversation networks). The report assumes a particular kind of public-sphere availability. A useful cross-cultural question.
  • If you were the council, which finding would you most want to act on, and why?
    Discussion prompts
    Multiple positions. The seating problem is most concrete; the missing voices are most structural; the unwelcome feeling reflects the deepest issue; the prepared-food request might attract younger users. Different priorities reflect different values. A useful question for thinking about how recommendations get translated into action.
Personal
  • Have you been part of a community space that slowly changed in ways you welcomed or didn't welcome? What was the place, and what changed?
    Teacher guidance
    Students' own experience. Common answers: 'Yes, my church changed, fewer young people now'; 'A community centre that gradually became commercial'; 'A market in my country that disappeared completely'. Be warm. Many students will recognise this kind of slow change.
  • Have you ever taken part in a small community survey, or done one yourself? What did you learn that surprised you?
    Teacher guidance
    Students' own experience. Common answers: 'Yes, at school — people answer differently than I expected'; 'I helped with one for a charity'; 'I have not, but I would like to'. A useful reflective question.
  • Is there a community space in your area that, on close inspection, 'works well for those who already use it and less well for those who don't'? Who is missing from it, and would anyone notice if they were heard?
    Teacher guidance
    Students' own experience. Common answers vary widely. The point is to recognise the pattern in their own context. Be warm. Some students will have specific examples; others will note that they hadn't thought about it before.
Writing Task
Prompt
Write a structured survey-findings report (550–700 words) on a small community survey, real or imagined. Use sections (introduction, method, who reached and missed, findings, what the survey cannot show, what it does suggest, recommendations, conclusion). Pay careful attention to the gap between what people say and what is going on. Make at least one observation about a structural pattern across the findings, using plain observable language rather than academic vocabulary. End with a recommendation for further work that addresses the missing voices, and be honest that the present report is a first step rather than a complete account.
Model Answer

INTRODUCTION. This report describes a small survey of evening use of the community sports hall, carried out by four volunteers from the residents' association over three weeks in November. The aim was to understand who uses the hall in the evenings, what for, and what could be improved. We hope the findings will be useful to the hall's management and to the council.

It is worth saying at the outset that small community surveys of this kind have particular strengths and limits. They reach people in person, in the place itself, in conversations that often reveal more than questionnaires can. They reach fewer people than professional research and depend on who happens to stop and talk. A useful report makes use of the strengths while being honest about the weaknesses.

METHOD. We approached people leaving the hall between 6 and 9 p.m. on weekdays. We had four short questions but allowed conversations to follow their course. We interviewed 38 people, recording answers in their own words.

WHO WE REACHED, AND WHO WE DID NOT. About half were adults aged 25 to 50; a third were teenagers; the rest were older users. We did not reach those who had stopped coming, those who never come, or anyone who used the hall only during the day. We also did not interview the staff, whose perspective would deserve separate work.

FINDINGS. About 70% of those we asked use the hall regularly, most often for football, basketball, or fitness classes. Around half mentioned the cost of sessions (recently increased) as a worry. Several teenagers told us they had reduced how often they came as a result. A small number of older respondents said the hall had felt 'less like a community space' since the management changes last year — a phrase that recurred in three separate conversations.

DIFFICULTIES. Three issues came up. First, the changing rooms are old and feel unwelcoming, especially to younger users. Second, recent price changes are pricing out users who used to come. Third, several respondents said they no longer recognised the staff, who change frequently — small, but mentioned often enough to seem worth recording.

WHAT THIS SURVEY CANNOT SHOW. We only asked current users. We did not reach those who have stopped, or those who never use the hall at all. We did not ask whether price changes have particularly affected lower-income users — though several respondents implied this was the case.

WHAT THE SURVEY DOES SUGGEST. The hall is valued by those who currently use it, but several findings combine into a pattern: rising prices, reduced staff continuity, less community feel, teenagers reducing their use. None of these is dramatic; together, they suggest a hall that is, slowly and by no deliberate decision, becoming a place for those who can afford it and find their way in, rather than a community resource for the wider neighbourhood.

RECOMMENDATIONS, in order of urgency: (1) review the recent price changes; (2) renovate the changing rooms; (3) consider what staff continuity would require; (4) advertise sessions more widely in parts of the neighbourhood currently under-represented; (5) conduct further consultation with former users and those who have never used the hall, including in languages other than English.

CONCLUSION. The community sports hall is currently working well for many users, but a quieter pattern across the findings suggests that it is slowly becoming less available to those who do not already use it. With modest practical changes and further consultation, the hall could continue to serve current users while becoming more open to others. The work of reaching those we did not reach this time lies ahead of us; this report is a first step, not a complete account.

Activities
  • Section-by-section deep reading: in groups of eight, students take one section each, summarise its core argument, and present to the rest of the group. Together they reconstruct the full structure.
  • What people say vs. what is going on: students collect every place where the writer makes a careful distinction between stated preferences and possible meanings. Discuss how this distinction works in real survey writing.
  • The smaller patterns combining into a larger one: in pairs, students identify each of the smaller patterns the writer names, and articulate how they combine. Where else in life is this kind of cumulative analysis useful?
  • Plain language for change: in groups, students discuss the writer's choice to describe slow community change in plain observable language ('accumulation of small choices and small inattentions') rather than in academic vocabulary. Why is this choice deliberate? What is gained?
  • The 'first step, not complete account' framing: students discuss the closing framing. Where else in life is this kind of careful self-positioning useful?
  • Strongest critique: each student writes a 300-word critique from a position the writer hasn't fully addressed (a market seller; a young teenager; a council official; someone who used to come and stopped). Discuss the toughest critique.
  • Cultural translation: in groups, students discuss whether community-led surveys are common in their context. If yes, what do they look like? If not, what equivalent forms exist?
  • Practice piece: students write a 500-word structured survey report on a real or imagined small survey, applying the writer's principles — careful method, honest limits, attention to missing voices, the gap between what is said and what is going on.
  • Compare with C1: students compare the C1 and C2 versions and identify three places where the C2 voice goes further — in self-positioning, in distinguishing what is said from what is meant, in handling the missing voices, in the careful framing of structural patterns.
  • Read aloud: one student reads the final paragraph slowly. The class listens with eyes closed. Each student writes one sentence beginning 'What stayed with me…'. Share.

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